George Orwell - AntiSemitism In Britian - Essay

The African-American ministers, editors, and activists who formulated the black public protest tradition did not see their dearly held cultural values as belonging to their oppressors. They claimed those values -- uplift, respectability, civilization, natural rights philosophy, republicanism, liberalism-- as their own. Indeed, they championed them, became bastions for their defense. In doing so, they did no violence to their own cultural heritage; they could not have, for such values their own cultural heritage. Their sermons, lectures, and editorials had helped build those values, just as their labor had helped to build the North's farms and cities. Elements of American thought -- in this instance romantic nationalism, and particularly the jeremiad and Christian theodicy -- no more belonged to America than they did to the European societies which borrowed them from a long line of antecedents stretching back to first century Judea.

Black Nationalism in the 1960 s - Essay by Destefanoc2

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Black spokespersons' efforts to grapple with the inconsistency of slavery existing in a chosen land yielded ideas which would be considered quite alien to modern black nationalism, yet which formed the core premises of much of black protest thought. Recounting the ancient history of slavery, seminal black historian J.W.C. Pennington presented the institution of slavery as not inherently or necessarily evil. He suggested that many slaves in the ancient world had held favored status, and were blessed by humane treatment. Those in ancient Athens, he contended, enjoyed rights to free speech and to the fruits of their own labor. These nominal slaves suffered little of the "caprice and passion" imposed on those in Southern bondage. In some interpretations, the slave trade actually figured as an agent of beneficence. According to African colonizationist Edward Blyden, the slave trade accompanied two great advances in "the history of human improvement": the invention of the printing press and the "discovery" of America. Originally a boon for Blyden's benighted people, it "dragged Africa, rather tardy in the march of nations," into an age of civilization and improvement. At this point, Europeans' "glorious design of civilizing poor benighted Africa" offset the forced deportation of Africans from their homeland. As in the ancient form of slavery Pennington lauded, Europeans in the trade's early days regarded the care of their slaves as a solemn oath; they "felt bound to instruct them, and, in every way, to ameliorate their condition." The relation between European and African at this stage of the trade resembled that of "guardian and protégé" rather than master and slave.

Black Nationalism And The Revolution In Music Essay

Where exactly African Americans stood in relation to the coming millennium was a matter of some debate, but most black spokespersons assigned them a primary role. "The Providences of God have placed the Negro Race, before Europe and America, in the most commanding position," lectured Alexander Crummell, an Episcopal clergyman and advocate of African colonization. "From the sight of us, no nation, no statesmen, no ecclesiastics, and no ecclesiastical institution, can escape." God had ordained the present as the time when the people of Africa -- long dormant, long benighted -- would awaken from their national slumbers. The result would be the re-emergence of a black nation onto the world stage. "Long years of darkness, imbecility and slavery, have been our portion," a black national convention told its constituents, "but God hath appoint us unto restoration. For princes shall come out of Egypt, and Ethiopia shall soon stretch forth her hands unto God." David Walker believed "that God has something in reserve for us which . . . will repay us for all our suffering and miseries": blacks would soon "take a stand among the nations of the earth." The coming Parousia promised an end to blacks' persecutions. It would disperse "the dark clouds of ignorance and superstition;" "reason, virtue, kindness and liberty" would "rise in glory and triumph," while "prejudice and slavery be cast down to the lowest depths of oblivion." Alexander Crummell predicted that the world would soon behold "a manly, noble, and complete African nationality!" which would "falsify all the lying utterances of the speculative ethnographies and the pseudo-philosophies which have spawned from the press of modern days against us."

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The developed states of the West do maintain defense establishments and in the postwar period have competed vigorously for influence to meet a worldwide communist threat. This behavior has been driven, however, by an external threat from states that possess overtly expansionist ideologies, and would not exist in their absence. To take the "neo-realist" theory seriously, one would have to believe that "natural" competitive behavior would reassert itself among the OECD states were Russia and China to disappear from the face of the earth. That is, West Germany and France would arm themselves against each other as they did in the 193Os, Australia and New Zealand would send military advisers to block each others' advances in Africa, and the U.S.-Canadian border would become fortified. Such a prospect is, of course, ludicrous: minus Marxist-Leninist ideology, we are far more likely to see the "Common Marketization" of world politics than the disintegration of the EEC into nineteenth-century competitiveness. Indeed, as our experiences in dealing with Europe on matters such as terrorism or Libya prove, they are much further gone than we down the road that denies the legitimacy of the use of force in international politics, even in self-defense.

03/04/2013 · View Essay - Components of Black Nationalism from RELG 3200 at UVA. Evan Tucker Components of Black Nationalism Malcolm X believed there needed to be a …

Vol. 9.1 - A History of Black Feminism in the U.S.

If antebellum black nationalism remained captive to a discourse of nationalism developed by blacks' oppressors, it was not utterly without value. Too often, evidence of "assimilation" among the oppressed is read as self-subverting victimization at the hands of ideological hegemony. Yet engagement with an oppressor society through a capacity to understand and manipulate its values may prove just as or even more valuable in the freedom struggle than a strong but culturally distinct protest tradition incapable of penetrating the discourse of the public sphere. Black nationalism derived from American nationalism, which in turned owed large debts to romantic European nationalism. That all nationalisms ultimately may trace their historical antecedents back to such sources does not necessarily undermine their efficacy, however. The efficacy of a nationalism is not, what cultural nationalisms themselves state, necessarily related to its degree of actual cultural distinctiveness. As some scholars have argued, this capacity to challenge power in order to play power's own game is true of oppositional nationalisms everywhere: historically, they have grown from an awareness of unequal development, and have made claims designed to rectify the perceived gap. Black nationalism's apparently contradictory stance toward America -- its separatist message which sought inclusion in American life -- may thus be restated without confusing implicit references to hegemonic American ideology: black nationalism offered a source of unity to a people seeking to share the benefits of the most progressive elements of the world economy and world political system.

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Where did this tradition come from? What were its sources and origins? We know that much of the tradition was preoccupied with the spiritual: from its concern with individual morality and personal character to its preoccupation with national redemption and millennial destiny antebellum black protest manifested deep roots in religious belief. This essay explores the religious components of the public protest thought formulated by free African Americans in the antebellum North. In particular, it discusses the significance for black identity and black autonomy -- essentially, the core components of black nationalism -- of a protest thought crafted in the modernizing public world of the expanding urban North. In the process, it hopes to challenge the conceptual paradigms scholars have employed in judging the origins, efficacy, and implications of this tradition.